The Shadow of Great Britain

Chapter 1622: Chapter 31: The Whig Interpretation of History (3)

Compared to Arthur’s electromagnetism course, his history lessons were noticeably more popular, especially when he talked about the outrageous deeds of ”Landless King” John I, even the yawning students in the back rows widened their eyes.

”The enraged English nobility could no longer endure it, so they joined forces to resist the king’s plundering and oppression. The rebels consisted of two-thirds of the English nobility. The noble coalition seized London on May 17, 1215, and with the help of London citizens, they held John I captive, forcing him to sign the Great Charter...”

Arthur noticeably paused at this point.

Because according to the historiographical outline that has been popular in Britain in recent decades, after explaining the process of the Great Charter, one must always add: Starting from the Great Charter, Britain completely established its long-existing tradition of constitutional democracy. Subsequent events like the break with Rome, the 17th-century civil war, the Glorious Revolution, resistance against George III, and the 1832 reform of Parliament all prove that Britain’s constitutional system is not a modern creation but a legacy of our ancestors, and it is precisely these traditions that have constructed Britain’s unique history...

There are also statements like how it is because of the long-standing struggle of the progressive Whig Party nobility against the Royalist Tory Party and the absolute monarchs that Britain’s current constitutional system was formed, and so on, a lot of seemingly correct but utterly indefensible Whig historical rhetoric.

Especially in an institution like the University of London, a Whig Party stronghold, such rhetoric is repeatedly brought up in history classes.

Although Arthur was educated at the University of London, it does not mean he particularly liked this Whig historical view.

Especially after personally experiencing the 1832 reform of Parliament, he was even more contemptuous of these Whig historians who vainly glorified themselves as the only progressive force leading Britain forward.

At least, in Arthur’s view, instead of saying that Britain’s constitutionalism is the result of the Whig Party’s continuous struggle, it’s better to say it is a product of history.

At least in the 1832 reform of Parliament, the final decisive turn was not made by the Whig Party but by the highly impactful concession from the Duke of Wellington.

The Whig Party, like such party groups, are never lacking in France across the English Channel, but France never witnessed individuals like the Duke of Wellington, someone influential yet willing to forsake personal interests for compromise.

Conversely, after the reform of Parliament was passed, Arthur was very displeased with how the Whig Party handled domestic issues.

The fools who caused the most uproar on the night of the riots didn’t gain any voting rights from the Reform Bill, and were instead hit hard by the new English Poor Laws. Arthur, while not doubting the intentions of former Prime Minister Count Grey, who spent half his life advocating for parliamentary reform and the abolition of slavery, showed consistency, evidenced by his firm promotion of the difficult and thankless Ireland Church Law, and his willingness to resign for it, showing no longing for his position.

However, the fierce division within the Whig Party over the Ireland Church Law also opened Arthur’s eyes to what the mainstream of the Whig Party truly represented.

They were either pretentious hypocrites or self-proclaimed saviors, and their constitutionalism was like that wished by the former Tsar Alexander I for Russia.

They respected liberty, but what liberty was had to be defined by them.

Therefore, compared to cooperating with the current Whig Party, Arthur preferred doing business with the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel.

The Tory Party might be conservative, but this does not mean they represent evil.

The Whig Party might be progressive, but this does not mean they embody justice.

In contrast to the Whig Party’s ever-changing definitions, Sir Arthur Hastings, the old media tycoon who hated investment risks, clearly preferred a clearly distinct camp.

Under normal circumstances, Arthur would not miss the opportunity during a lecture to sarcastically comment on Thomas Macaulay, the Briton Sinologist, just appointed as Advisor to the Governor of India, and those academic tycoons who idolize the Whig Party.

But just as he turned around, he saw a pair of fox-like gray eyes in the back of the classroom.

This gentleman in a velvet collar coat, with a brooch embroidered with the royal emblem pinned on his pocket, glinted coolly in the sunlight.

”Please continue, Sir Arthur.” Sir John Conroy took off his top hat, revealing well-groomed sideburns: ”I’ve always believed history is a demonic mirror, always able to reflect some interesting reverse images.”

Arthur’s knuckles slightly whitened as he held the chalk, feeling the excitement of the Red Devil above him rubbing its paws.

The Red Devil cheekily said: ”Oh, my dear Arthur, it seems your arrangements worked well; the selection for the leading lady at the Alhambra Theater... Miss Lily’s loss yesterday evidently made some people restless. Perhaps you should be thankful today is Thursday; if it were Tuesday’s natural philosophy class, you might not have been so at ease today...”