The Shadow of Great Britain

Capítulo 1613: Chapter 24: Tides of an Era

To the political figures in London, whether Sir Arthur Hastings is a Whig or a Tory is indeed a question worth discussing.

A Whig’s educational background, a Tory’s career experience.

On social issues such as Catholic emancipation, the abolition of the Bloody Act, and slavery, he holds quite a clear Whig stance.

However, in the execution process, he often takes on the role of charging ahead for the Tory Party.

Who is the officer most trusted by Tory leaders like the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel? It’s Arthur Hastings.

Who is the favorite pupil of Whig radicals like Lord Brougham and Earl Dalhousie? It’s Arthur Hastings.

Who is the untrustworthy Catholic in the eyes of high-ranking Tories like the Duke of Cumberland and Earl Eldon? It’s Arthur Hastings.

Who is the lone wolf disliked by powerful Whigs like Viscount Palmerston and Lord John Russell? It’s Arthur Hastings.

No one can clearly articulate the true stance of this gentleman, and his ambiguous attitude further deepens this public perception.

But regardless of Arthur’s stance, he is always particularly welcomed in Westminster.

The reason is simply that he is a graduate of London University, a young disciple of Jeremy Bentham, and these two identities are enough.

Contrary to most people’s impressions, many foreigners unfamiliar with Great Britain always think that populous city constituencies like Westminster and Bristol must be the strongholds of the Tory or Whig Party.

But the reality is exactly the opposite; because these city constituencies have thousands or even tens of thousands of voters, it is actually unfavorable for the two major parties to bribe and control them. Moreover, the political forces in urban areas are intricate, and even those powerful tycoons dare not claim they can definitely win here, and there are quite a few who have bankrupted themselves by running in such areas.

And this special situation has also prompted the early emergence of political organizations dedicated to organizing elections in such constituencies.

And the one governing Westminster is the Westminster Constituency Association, founded by Francis Price in 1807. Since its establishment, it has repeatedly defeated the grand candidates of the Whig and Tory parties and ensured the election of radical candidates supported by the association.

Although in recent years, most Westminster MPs maintain a united front with the Whig Party, some even directly joined the Whig Party, but if one were to divide the power within the Whig Party, it would be more accurate to say Westminster belongs to the liberal radical faction, or supporters of Bentham’s utilitarianism.

If you are willing, you can also consider this organization as the maternal family of London University. Of course, the premise is: you’ve distinguished yourself enough to catch their attention.

Indeed, the Westminster Constituency Association is not the stronghold of the Whig Party, but the stronghold of Jeremy Bentham, which is one of the reasons the Whig Party dare not completely exclude figures like Lord Brougham and Earl Dalhousie from their list of appointees.

Not long ago, Earl Dalhousie, furious over the obstruction of the Ireland Church Bill and the consequent downfall of his father-in-law Count Grey’s cabinet, published a political essay in the Westminster Review.

He first denounced the recent actions of the Whig Party for shaming Great Britain, and then boldly called upon all radicals: after the parliamentary reform passes, we ought to establish political organizations similar to the Westminster Constituency Association in towns and villages across Britain. With such organizations, we will never have to fear being betrayed by the crazy Tories or the timid Whigs!

And after Arthur was recommended by Lord Brougham and officially appointed by the board of London University as the second Dean of Academic Affairs in university history, this former officer entrusted with great tasks by the Duke of Wellington and Sir Peel only then realized that apparently “mother’s family” of London University also intends to arrange something for his future.

On his first day in office, he was arranged to visit the Westminster Constituency Association and gain a detailed understanding of its operational methods.

Overall, the current operation of the Constituency Association is still quite primitive.

Firstly, they register every supporter who is a voter in Westminster, so as to ensure they participate in voting on time, enabling the association’s candidate to be elected smoothly.

On rest days, key members of the association and registry also engage in door-to-door canvassing, one to win over wavering individuals with unstable stances, and another to investigate the support various potential candidates have, allowing association members to participate in recommending candidates.

Although London University is not within the Westminster constituency, due to Bentham’s special relationship with London University, the university has all sorts of tangled relations with Westminster. A significant proportion of the external donations received by London University comes from the middle class in Westminster.

And Lord Brougham’s deliberate arrangement for the Dean to conduct a survey there, combining it with Earl Dalhousie’s political essay, what exactly are they thinking?

The truth is evident.

Arthur finally figured out why Lord Brougham and Earl Dalhousie seemed not too angry about his reckless behavior in the Caucasus, because compared to such “small problems” in the Caucasus, they clearly cannot accept the Whig Party’s betrayal on the Ireland issue.