The Shadow of Great Britain

In fact, it’s not surprising that Ledley is so vigilant; it’s not just because Lewis previously revealed the secret of Yellow Chrysanthemum Street, but also because he is asking around about Sir Arthur Hastings’s experiences.

Currently, Scotland Yard is undergoing another major reform opportunity since its establishment in 1829, and this opportunity is closely related to Sir Arthur’s destiny.

Since the founding of Scotland Yard in 1829, its father, then Home Secretary Sir Robert Peel, has wanted to expand the jurisdiction of this modern police force that has made outstanding contributions to London’s security as much as possible.

Unfortunately, at that time the Wellington Cabinet encountered two major tests, the Catholic Emancipation Bill and the Parliamentary Reform Act, so the restructuring and expansion of Scotland Yard had to yield to these two major issues.

After the Whig Party came to power, because this liberal party inherently detested departments with centralized, authoritarian characteristics like Scotland Yard, the issue of police reform was naturally never discussed. Therefore, whether it was the Cold Bath incident or the personnel adjustments at Scotland Yard by the Whig Party’s two Home Secretaries, Viscount Melbourne and Viscount Duncannon, they can be seen as the Whig Party’s suppression of this British modern police force.

However, after Queen Victoria ascended the throne, especially after Scotland Yard legend Sir Arthur Hastings announced his official retention as a committee member and secretary-general of the Police Commissioner Committee, the conditions for pushing a new round of police reform were fully ripe.

In the new election, the Whig Party encountered significant setbacks and no longer maintained a tough stance on police reform. Viscount Melbourne proactively suggested that the Metropolitan Police Act passed in 1829 can no longer keep up with London’s increasing security needs, so it is reasonable to pass a brand new Police Bill to match the expanding scale of New London.

As for the opposition party leader, Sir Pier, as the main promoter of police reform, he did not hold the idea of ”not in its position, not involved in its politics” nor was obsessed with party biases, but responded to Viscount Melbourne’s call on this agenda and believed that the Conservative Party should actively participate in the drafting of the new Police Bill.

According to the current stance revealed by both parties, after the next Parliament opens, the new Police Bill will be the second priority topic, preceded only by the preparations for Queen Victoria’s coronation ceremony.

Just a few days ago, Home Secretary Lord John Russell specifically went to the Police Commissioner Committee to consult the three members on their draft opinions for the new Police Bill and tasked the committee with submitting a ”legislatively viable” draft within three weeks.

But Ledley knows in his heart that Lord Russell says he is consulting the committee’s opinion, but actually he is just conveying the attitude of the Melbourne Cabinet and the Home Office to Arthur.

Because judging from Arthur’s career experience and his social circle, there is no one more suitable than him to serve as the inter-departmental coordinator for the new Police Bill.

First, during his early years at Scotland Yard, Arthur once served as Deputy Chief Prosecutor at the London Regional Prosecutor’s Office and representative of the police. Therefore, he not only has the ability but also the experience to know how to communicate with the General Prosecutor’s Office and ensure the relevant provisions of the new bill do not conflict with the existing judicial system.

Secondly, when Minister Rowan was at odds with Arthur, he often gave Arthur the tough task of asking the Home Office and Treasury for money, and frequently criticized him for failing to secure funds. However, adversity and fortune are intertwined, a universal truth. As an experienced accountant, Arthur knows how to prepare a budget for the Treasury that appears reasonable, can pass the second reading in Parliament, and isn’t condemned by newspapers as ”police extorting taxpayers”.

And his skill in this regard is something even most senior police officers at Scotland Yard lack. Because looking at Scotland Yard’s relatively short history, up until now, Arthur Hastings is still the only officer in Scotland Yard history with a complete career résumé.

From street patrolman all the way up to Assistant Police Director, he has not only handled the patrol log and knows when shifts change at night, but also understands how much salary, oil, and equipment costs a complete branch system needs. Furthermore, he knows how to draw lines for expanded precincts to ensure full coverage by police forces while avoiding local parish dissatisfaction.

Lastly, and most crucially, there is one reason the Whig Party and the Conservative Party are tacitly aware of, Arthur’s influence over the Royal Family.

The relationship between Arthur and Queen Victoria is neither one of private confidence nor political allegiance but is in a state more subtle and more easily utilized.

In this young monarch’s eyes, who has just come of age, just ascended the throne, and just freed herself from her mother’s and Conroy’s control, Arthur is both a reliable interpreter of the chaotic situation in London and her most familiar embodiment of order.

Therefore, when Lord Russell asks the Police Commissioner Committee for their opinions, what he truly wants is not the consensus of the three members but Arthur’s nod.

As long as that nod appears, the new Police Bill is essentially approved at Buckingham Palace.

And as a seasoned politician, Lord Russell certainly wouldn’t say such things outright; it would be too unseemly.