The Shadow of Great Britain

Even considering the perspective of changing wealth distribution, Conroy should relinquish his position in a timely manner, or at least specify his retirement timeline.

Currently, the matter of him and the Duchess of Kent coercing Victoria to sign the Regency Agreement has spread throughout upper society, and Lady Leisen is even willing to testify on this matter. If not for concerns about possibly incurring the Duchess of Kent’s displeasure towards the Hastings family, Miss Flora Hastings might even consider supporting Lady Leisen on this matter.

Conroy’s downfall is inevitable, and Arthur’s hesitation after the General only serves to leave him with some dignity.

Furthermore, there are so many willing to pay a high price for his final move, and Arthur is quite happy to sell this last move at a high price.

Arthur quietly stood beside King William IV, listening from beginning to end as the Sailor King passionately recounted all he’d learned in the Royal Navy throughout his life.

Once King William IV had vented all his anger, Arthur gently advised, ”Your Majesty, if your words were to spread, it would certainly shock everyone. But I worry that after the shock, the journalists on Fleet Street might question whether the Royal Navy has set up another flagship in Windsor, because your cannonade is truly remarkable.”

King William IV was momentarily stunned, then glared at Arthur, tapping his dry fingers on the armrest: ”Impertinent lad!”

Despite his words, he couldn’t help but twitch the corner of his lips, and some of his anger dissipated.

He looked at Arthur, slowly exhaling: ”But speaking of which, your work in Ramsgate has not gone unnoticed by me. Delina’s life depends not on the dolls and ceramic figurines in the hands of those fools, but on young men like you, Arthur Hastings, who can discern priorities in crucial moments and step forward.”

Arthur smiled and spoke: ”Your Majesty flatters me.”

”There’s no need for modesty.” King William IV signaled to the attendant at the door, instructing him to pour Arthur a glass of wine: ”Did Melbourne and the others mention to you? About the amendments to the Police Bill.”

Arthur played dumb: ”When I came to Windsor today, I indeed heard some rumors. However, there’s one thing I don’t quite understand.”

”Just speak your mind.” King William IV said: ”You don’t want to go?”

”It’s not about whether I want to go, it’s about not conforming to the legal procedure.” Arthur said: ”Though I don’t know exactly how the matter is being handled. But if it’s about amending the Police Bill, it should be entrusted to the Lower House’s Police Commission for investigation and hearing, then compile various opinions to issue a reform proposal report. But everyone knows that the Lower House’s Police Commission is a temporary institution of the Lower House, and its members must have the identity of Lower House Members, which I do not meet, so... you understand, I naturally have doubts about this.”

King William IV raised his glass to moisten his throat: ”I am aware of the procedures you mentioned. But do you think Melbourne and the others just want to go through the motions in the Lower House? No, their plan this time is much bigger than you think. What you are going to is not the temporary committee of the Lower House. The Whig Party is contemplating setting up a Police Commission under the nominal auspices of the Home Office but actually operates independently, specifically responsible for overseeing the enforcement actions of the national police, and is required to periodically provide the government with opinions and viewpoints on police reform.”

Initially, Arthur thought the Whig Party wanted him to hold a civilian advisory title in the Lower House’s Police Commission, but King William IV’s words were completely beyond his basic expectations.

As Arthur had said earlier, in the various temporary committees of the Lower House, those in power are the parliamentarians, and even if someone like him joins, it would only be in an advisory capacity to offer suggestions.

However, the government’s independent permanent committee—the Police Commission that King William IV mentioned—was a completely different matter.

Although Arthur did not yet know what specific powers this newly established institution would hold, he happened to know of an institution similar in nature to the Police Commission—the Poor Law Commission.

The Poor Law Commission was established as a statutory institution independent of the White Hall departments after the 1834 New Poor Law was passed.

Theoretically, it is supposed to be accountable to Parliament, but in practice, the Poor Law Commission is affiliated with the Home Office system, supervised by the Home Secretary. Yet in actual operation, the Poor Law Commission is virtually independent, not needing to follow the Minister of Internal Affairs’ orders closely and is directly guided by the statutory powers entrusted by Parliament.

In other words, although the Poor Law Commission is not a completely ’independent kingdom,’ it is not like the Navy Department, the Treasury, or other departments with a minister directly responsible for leadership.

In terms of power structure, the newly established Poor Law Commission has powerful and direct administrative power, able to directly order local poor relief committees to build poorhouses, and to unify the management of relief work and audit local accounts.

If comparing centralization levels, it would be hard to find a more ’autocratic’ organization than the Poor Law Commission currently in Britain.

This institutional design allows the government to bypass the Lower House’s temporary committees and also breaks the traditional control of relief affairs by local sheriffs and parishes.

Yet such an institution, decisive in its proceedings over relief affairs, is actually led by only three full-time commissioners, at most supplemented by a secretariat and more than a dozen assistant commissioners.

Among the Poor Law Commission, the most esteemed commissioner and secretary-general happens to be an old acquaintance of Arthur’s: Mr. Edwin Chadwick, who had also served as a private secretary to Mr. Jeremy Bentham and the former Lord Chief Justice Brougham.

Perhaps the Whig Party had tasted the sweet benefits of an independent permanent committee from the Poor Law Commission and saw the advantages of the Poor Law Commission in issuing orders, auditing accounts, enforcing reforms, and punishing non-cooperative local officials.

Thus, while the Poor Law Commission is efficient yet cold, and has sparked a series of social controversies, from an administrative standpoint, it is a sharp blade every ruling party dreams of.

It can shoulder the burden of complicated affairs for the government, and when issues arise, let the Cabinet shirk responsibility and shamelessly say: this was the committee’s decision, not the Cabinet’s.

Logically speaking, such an approach indeed aligns with the Viscount Melbourne’s ”non-stick, afraid of trouble” personality.

For Viscount Melbourne, someone like Arthur is the most suitable candidate. Young, yet with policing experience. Not in the Lower House, yet able to function in the committee as a commissioner. Able to share risks for the government without threatening the ruling party’s social reputation.

Of course, the above conclusions are from Viscount Melbourne’s standpoint.

But from Arthur’s perspective, it would be another matter entirely.

He knew all too well what kind of existence it was.

Since the implementation of the New Poor Law in 1834, the three commissioners of the Poor Law Commission have become the most feared figures among the lower classes nationwide; their orders could overrule local sheriffs, surpass parish priests, and force stubborn landed gentry into submission.

On the surface, they are merely an affiliated office under the Home Office, yet in essence, they are a ”standing department” wielding real power, operating independently.

For Arthur, the power of the Poor Law Commission was more tangible than that of most Members of both Houses of Parliament; those three commissioners, except for their titles not being ministers, are equivalent to ministers in every other aspect, truly ”ministerial though minister-less.”

And if speaking of his old acquaintance Mr. Edwin Chadwick, because he also holds the position of secretary-general, he essentially combines the powers of a minister and the Permanent Secretary.

If the Whig Party intends to establish the Police Commission by imitating the Poor Law Commission’s structure...

Then, this means...

From now on, policing in London and across various counties would be under the oversight, review, and guidance of Arthur and his fellow full-time commissioners!

Although Arthur was not sure if Viscount Melbourne intended to give him an additional ’burden,’ to shoulder it all like Chadwick. But if he had that intent, Arthur would certainly wouldn’t shirk it.