The Shadow of Great Britain

Chapter 1720: Chapter 68: Different Politicians, Different Hamlets_3

”But I’m not as willing.” Disraeli abruptly interjected, grumbling while clumsily mounting his horse, ”Next time I come, I must first request a hunting ground road safety report from the local Magistrates’ Court.”

Disraeli’s barbed complaint made Viscount Melbourne chuckle: ”If you really manage that, I should write to His Majesty the King suggesting you be made a Magistrate.”

Disraeli did not seem to take Viscount Melbourne’s words as sarcasm. As soon as he was steady on his horse, he replied, ”Thank you, Your Excellency, but I will not be a Magistrate. My ambition lies above the Cabinet.”

With that, Disraeli and Arthur turned their horses and galloped away at full speed.

Palmerston watched their departing figures and couldn’t help but frown and spit: ”Arrogant Jew! Indeed, parliamentary reform has its many merits, but one of its downsides is making the Lower House more and more like a magazine club now.”

Melbourne remarked, ”Arrogant? Perhaps, but three years ago he was even more arrogant. Back then, he wasn’t even an MP, yet he dared to tell me in Downing Street that he was going to end up in No. 10. As for now, at least he’s already the Vice Minister of State at the Foreign Office. Compared to three years ago, if he says now he’ll become Prime Minister, I’d say the lad has become much more modest.”

However, even though Melbourne spoke thus, he was well aware that Palmerston harbored extreme dislike for Disraeli, to an extent not much less than his dislike for Arthur Hastings.

Because Palmerston’s conflicts with Arthur mostly occurred in private settings, like private conversations at the Foreign Office or rebukes and rebuttals in correspondence.

But in the open, in the newspapers, they at least did not publicly criticize each other.

Disraeli, however, was different. This Jewish lad not only publicly opposed Palmerston during his reports to the Lower House, accusing ”Palmerston’s diplomacy of being fireworks diplomacy, a game of lighting and stopping, while Palmerston himself is a circus performer feigning adventure to cater to public opinion.”

He even went as far as writing Palmerston into his novel ”Coningsby,” using the creation of novel characters to satirize Palmerston’s ”pseudo-Whiggism” and ”gentlemanly reaction.”

Although Palmerston, adhering to the style of an old-school Politician, believed that engaging with a youngster like Disraeli would demean his own stature, and therefore never directly responded to Disraeli’s attacks, it’s needless to say, in his heart, he surely loathed Disraeli.

Viscount Melbourne’s tone showed neither praise nor criticism, he merely remarked blandly, ”He’s quite an expressive young man.”

Palmerston focused intently: ”Expressive? You mean noisy?”

Viscount Melbourne chuckled: ”I didn’t expect that upon seeing Disraeli, you could even set aside your grudge with Arthur Hastings.”

”William, that’s different,” Palmerston emphasized, ”That lad Hastings is open to reason, and disliking someone doesn’t mean total denial of them. Even if I don’t like him, I must concede that under the right conditions, Hastings is a usable person, even a useful one. But Disraeli? Absolutely impossible!”

Viscount Melbourne heard Palmerston’s answer, which also alleviated his concerns.

In truth, as early as when Arthur returned from Russia to London, he had the notion of reactivating this former legend of Scotland Yard.

It’s just that, first, at the time, his most important political ally, Palmerston, was at odds with Arthur.

Secondly, at that time, Arthur indeed seemed too close to the Radical Liberal Party.

Compared to other Whig Party members, Viscount Melbourne was quite an anomaly and from a political viewpoint, he should have joined the Tory Party.

Melbourne’s choice to join the Whig Party was mostly due to family tradition, arranged by his mother, Lady Melbourne.

Apart from Viscount Melbourne, it would be hard to find a Whig Party Prime Minister who wouldn’t prioritize national reforms.

He never harbored any expectations to create a dynamic, better nation, nor any desire to legislate for it.

Perhaps, to most, he seemed just an old-school gentleman harmless to both men and animals, with nothing more distinctive about him than the occasional frivolity and fondness for napping.

But in reality? Not one of those Whig Party figures perceived by the public to be tougher and more capable could shake his leadership position within the party.

His political maneuvering was often underestimated, but no matter the circumstances, stagnation was Viscount Melbourne’s favorite stance in political views.

His personal political maxim attested to this; in the Home Office, the phrase most frequently heard from Viscount Melbourne’s mouth was—why can’t it be put on hold?

What’s all the more ironic were his private words to Bishop Whately.

According to Bishop Whately, Viscount Melbourne personally told him that if it were him in power last year, he would have certainly ignored the total abolition of slavery.

And this was the main reason why, after the Earl Grey stepped down at the beginning of the year, King William IV decided to appoint Viscount Melbourne as Prime Minister.

Given Melbourne’s character and political views, he naturally viewed Arthur from a perspective different from Palmerston’s.

After all, in Melbourne’s view, without deploying troops or allowing the Tory Party to seize any opportunity for advantage, Arthur Hastings, this legendary figure of Scotland Yard, might be the only solution to ensure that discontented workers and the unemployed stay within bounds.