The Shadow of Great Britain

Chapter 1552: Chapter 4: Electoral District Crisis (Part 2)

Such a contrast naturally makes people feel that Disraeli is two-faced and lacks any principles.

Furthermore, his previous flirtations with key Whig figures like the Earl of Dalmo naturally trigger a crisis of trust within the Tory Party coalition.

Perhaps in the minds of some, they had long defined Disraeli as a traitor likely to turncoat at any moment. Switching to another candidate for the Maidstone election was merely a timely stop-loss; otherwise, when Disraeli took his parliamentary seat and defected to the Whig Party, it would truly be a futile effort.

Arthur’s ability to play both sides is not only due to his educational background and professional experience but also because he has not directly obtained any political resources from either party.

But Disraeli is different. His ability to win in the Maidstone constituency is not only due to his personal investment but also because the Tory Party’s Carlton Club significantly tilted political resources towards him. During Disraeli’s campaign, the Duke of Buckingham and Chandos and the Earl of Lyndhurst personally attended his election banquet.

If it hadn’t been for the Tory Party’s strong support, a political novice like Disraeli, even with substantial investment, could not have won a seat in Maidstone so easily.

However, Arthur could understand why Disraeli often voiced such inconsistent and contradictory political stances.

Since the passage of the Parliamentary Reform Act, the voter base in Britain has undergone a tremendous change. Even Tory Party members must constantly evolve toward liberalism, or they will inevitably be abandoned by their constituents.

The challenge is to express reformist views without offending the traditional Tory Party patriarchs who back Disraeli—it’s quite a meticulous task.

To achieve this, one must pledge loyalty to individuals like the Earl of Lyndhurst to gain support within the party while distinguishing one’s reformist views from those of the Whig Party, dispelling doubts about Disraeli’s potential defection to the Whigs.

Arthur drummed his fingers on the table and suddenly asked, ”Benjamin, have you been writing any political pamphlets lately?”

Disraeli casually pulled a sheaf of papers from his bag and replied, ”Not just lately; I write several political articles almost every month.”

Arthur took the paper titled ”Crisis Review” from Disraeli, skimmed through it, and frowned deeply.

He tapped the table with his forefinger while using a pen to strike out some passages, occasionally adding a comment.

Disraeli couldn’t help leaning over, asking, ”What are you changing?”

”Your style,” Arthur replied coolly, his eyes fixed on the manuscript.

”My style?” Disraeli raised his brows, visibly displeased. ”I thought you admired my writing flair.”

Arthur chuckled softly, putting down his pen and looking up at him, ”Benjamin, your writing is undeniably excellent, but the problem is, these embellishments and logic are more suited for making a climax in a fashion novel, not a political article that should solidify your position within the Tory Party.”

Disraeli picked up his article and proudly recited, ”The Whig Party’s parliamentary reform, under the guise of freedom, surrenders the old nobility’s power to the new nobility. They loudly proclaim to liberate Human Rights, yet in reality cast the people into a fresh set of shackles. Great Britain stands on the brink; a breeze has stirred, and if we do not pull back from the precipice, it will be a complete catastrophe! I am a Tory, but not an old Tory. I don’t belong to those who only know how to resist and refuse reform. If Britain is to survive, we must establish a new Tory Party that leads the people into a new era!”

Disraeli patted the manuscript, ”Look at this; haven’t I written well enough?”

Arthur decisively said, ”Delete this sentence.”

Disraeli’s eyes widened, ”Why? This is my core political belief.”

Arthur flipped the manuscript back and pointed to the part he had crossed out, ”These words are suitable for stirring emotions on a lectern but sound like you’re planning to overthrow and rebuild the entire party in the context of the Tory Party. Benjamin, I know it’s your core ideology, but you can’t wear your ambition on your sleeve. What do you think the Earl of Lyndhurst and the Duke of Buckingham would think after reading this? They wouldn’t see it as reform but as a power grab. As for Peel, he would similarly dislike your phrasing because the position you intend to usurp is precisely his.”

Disraeli was silent for a while and eventually shrugged helplessly, ”Fine, edit it then. Since you’ve picked up the pen, surely you can’t just remove my work. Let me see what you’ve written; I want to strike out some of your edits as well.”

Disraeli regained the manuscript and read Arthur’s additions aloud, ”Parliamentary reform is now a reality, and the Tory Party must adapt to the new political landscape. But adapting does not mean compromising, nor does it mean abandoning our proud constitutional system. The expansion of the Lower House brings new issues, which, if left unchecked, could lead to single-class political despotism. Therefore, we must advocate for maintaining the balance function of the House of Lords to ensure the stability of constitutional monarchy.”

As Disraeli savored Arthur’s rewrite, although it wasn’t as rousing as his own, it certainly read far more stable.

Moreover, a wise man like Disraeli could naturally discern that Arthur’s passage was filled, overtly and subtly, with flattery for many Tory Party leaders since the House of Lords was under their control, and it was precisely where these senior figures gathered.

”And this,” Arthur pointed to another section, continuing to write, ”The Tory Party does not reject reform; on the contrary, we advocate for gradual, orderly reform. Under the premise of respecting Britain’s constitution, we can address the concerns of the public rather than implementing the radical and shortsighted policies of the Whig Party.”

Disraeli clicked his tongue, ”What can I say, Arthur. You are worthy of being mentored by Peel. If I weren’t sitting here today, I might have thought this came from Peel’s mouth because it’s just so characteristically him.”

Arthur emphasized, ”That’s the thing. Benjamin, you’re not just writing this article for yourself or voters; it’s intended for the veterans of the Tory Party. Previously, you viewed the problem too complexly; the crucial factor determining whether you can remain in the Lower House is not your political views but whether you can gain the favor of figures like the Earl of Lyndhurst. Of course, it’s also best not to offend the Pier Party if possible.”

Though Disraeli was an obstinate young man, he wasn’t inflexible. Knowing he was on the cusp of losing his constituency, he was receptive to advice, ”Arthur, it seems you’re better suited to be a Member of Parliament than I am. You’re planning to resign your diplomatic position, aren’t you? Why not enter politics? I always feel your path is broader; both the Whig and Tory Parties seem willing to welcome you.”

Arthur put down his pen and chuckled quietly, ”I’m not interested in dealing with politicians every day, but if you want to stay in Maidstone rather than being thrown into the pit of Haywickom, Benjamin, you’ll need to adapt.”

Disraeli sighed, taking the revised manuscript from Arthur, ”Alright, at least it looks like my political future won’t be self-destructed with this article. Yet, I’m still somewhat unsettled...”

”Honestly, I’m not entirely confident about your trajectory either,” Arthur raised his glass to clink with Disraeli. ”But don’t worry, tomorrow I’ll visit Wellington in London and try to gauge his opinion. If the Duke of Wellington has a good impression of you, I believe there shouldn’t be any major issues in the short term.”