The Shadow of Great Britain

Chapter 1532: Chapter 260: Pointing the Way (2)

——Finally, thank you for your continued concern for me, an old friend. However, Arthur, for the sake of our friendship, please do not send the Tsar’s gilded spittoon with your letters in the future. The Tsar finds them awkward, and I also feel uncomfortable using them. Of course, a lowly person like me cannot be compared to the majestic body of the Tsar, gifting me a spittoon he can’t get used to is indeed considered a grand favor. But as I said earlier, although I am lowly, and always short of money, I am not lacking in spittoons, for I have plenty of Paris Republicans’ brains to hold my phlegm (I do not mean to mock Alexander here, although I seriously suspect his brain is connected with other Republicans’).

As a poet who likes to write political commentary, Heinrich Heine indeed has reasons to be renowned in Europe.

Although his opponents often criticize him for being sharp-tongued, you have to admit, even a casual letter written by Heine is very popular and topical.

And although Herzen is still young, this lad already possesses quite the Heine-like temperament.

If it weren’t for the strict environment in Russia limiting his growth, if he were elsewhere, this young man would sooner or later become as ”sharp-tongued” as Heine.

It’s just a pity he hasn’t made up his mind to leave Russia yet. Should he decide to seek fresh air elsewhere someday, the ’British’ would be more than willing to welcome him.

Even though ’The Economist’ magazine under ’British’ is edited by John Stuart Mill, hence the quality of economic content has always been guaranteed, the political commentary section has noticeably lost its aggressiveness and topicality since several French people left.

When Arthur’s old friends were still in London, there’s no need to say more about Great Dumas, a former wanted man of the July Monarchy, and Louis was even sensational every time.

Like in the early days:

My principles are entirely Republican, but I am not against all monarchies, only those unable to align with ”people’s interests.”

If the Rhine River were the Rhein Sea, if virtue were the sole motivation of human actions, if merit alone could achieve authority, then I would be a simple Republican.

And after experiencing life around Arthur, he seemed to develop a pragmatic tendency, thus uttering the following statements:

Without Napoleon’s Directorate and Empire, the revolution would merely be a grand spectacle, leaving many great memories, yet with no trace. Napoleon was able to accomplish such great deeds because he thought what the people thought and cared about what the people cared about. So, why did Napoleon want to proclaim an Emperor?

Because what lasts is good. What lasts the longest is most suitable for this group of people, and monarchy is what lasted the longest in France and is most suitable for the French. If the desire to have an Emperor did not already exist in the feelings and ideas of most people, Napoleon could not have realized it.

Napoleon asked the entire nation: Do you want a hereditary monarchy?

And the entire nation agreed with 4 million votes.

Writing here, Louis even prophetically added a note: ”Some question the legitimacy of this election, but by doing so, they also criticize all the constitutions of the Republic, because none received as many votes of approval.”

Of course, Louis’s claim only fools the uninformed. As a top student in the history department of the University of London, Arthur may play dumb in front of Louis, but that doesn’t mean he doesn’t understand what’s going on.

After all, even a fool knows that no vote ever reaches a 99.8% approval rate, and the 100% approval rate in Napoleon’s hometown, Corsica, is even more absurd. According to documents intercepted by British spy William Wickham from the French police department at the time, Napoleon’s real support rate should have been inflated by at least 30%.

But, how exactly was the support rate inflated...

Arthur once privately inquired with Marshal Sult, who was in charge of organizing the Saint-Omer garrison vote, and Victor, the Parisian Sleuth who was collection votes on the frontline as a police officer at the time.

Marshal Sult wasn’t too explicit, sparing the Emperor some dignity.

However, Victor, no longer in the system, spoke without any scruples.

Victor bluntly stated that the voting details at the time specified: failure to explicitly oppose was deemed approval, which led to a large number of unsigned individuals being automatically classified as supporters.

In the third district of Paris, which he was responsible for, there were 1124 eligible residents, of which only 29 actually signed, yet a full support report was still submitted.

As for those intending to vote against, the police first sent personnel to persuade and then hinted to them: if they voted against, it would be verified if they participated in the 1793 rebellion.

Moreover, Victor even swore he personally heard Police Chief Fouche sarcastically say in private: We created the first statistical Emperor in history.

Arthur certainly doesn’t doubt that there were indeed many hardcore supporters of Napoleon in France, but Fouche’s words further illustrate that Napoleon’s level of mathematics is quite high.