The Shadow of Great Britain

Chapter 1445: Chapter 224: A Different December (Part 2)

As the saying goes, comparing people leads to death, comparing goods leads to rejection.

While both are monarchs, at least the King of France was willing to stand and fall with his throne, proving to the Orleans Party of France that they had not followed the wrong person.

But as for the Tsar...

The contrast between Tsar Nicholas I and Louis Philippe is so stark that Arthur feels that even if someone like the Great Dumas, who had personal animosity and severe political differences with Louis Philippe, were to evaluate them, the Frenchman who always valued chivalry wouldn’t claim Nicholas I was superior to Louis Philippe.

After all, the biggest reason the Great Dumas and Arthur could reconcile was because Arthur insisted on staying at the forefront during the London riots, not abandoning his subordinate officers at Scotland Yard, even taking a bullet for it.

Though not a particularly glorious act, it at least demonstrated that Arthur Hastings was a diligent and outstanding officer, who most of the time appeared very upright, and he was not lacking in composure, courage, and resolve.

The Great Dumas never questioned Arthur’s character, but rather his stance.

If Arthur were willing to stand with the Republicans, the Great Dumas was certain his friend would become a legendary hero.

At the end of the day, the Black Fatty was a romanticist, he admired heroic figures, indulged in epic scenes.

Even if he didn’t say it, he always felt Arthur Hastings was deserving of a knight’s title.

In the Great Dumas’ evaluation system, a hero among the reactionary faction is at least a hero, better than a coward among the Republicans.

As for Nicholas I, he’s a coward among reactionaries, so naturally, he cannot be compared to the ’Wellington of Scotland Yard’.

Regarding whether the stories about Nicholas I’s performance in the Decembrist uprising are true, Arthur tends to believe they most likely are true.

Because on the day of the award ceremony, the Tsar, for some unknown reason, initiated a conversation with him.

Tsar Nicholas I first mildly criticized Arthur in a slightly reproachful tone: ”You have to know, as a young man, especially as one without a prominent position, your statements today were somewhat rash.”

Having just received the Saint Anna Medal, Arthur naturally did not choose to resist the Tsar, nor did he have a reason to do so.

Arthur’s tone sounded sincere: ”I can sincerely say, Your Majesty, that one of my main motives for visiting Russia was to get close to princes like you who can exert such power over people.”

The Tsar appreciated Arthur’s flattery; after a glass of red wine, even the serious expression on his face relaxed a bit: ”Russians are good people, but to govern such a nation, you must become worthy of it.”

Arthur naturally took advantage of the situation: ”Your Majesty, you understand the needs and current situation of this country better than any of your predecessors.”

”Autocracy still exists in Russia: this is the essence of my rule, but it aligns with the national temperament.”

”I understand, you are trying to restore her to herself by ending Russia’s imitation of foreign cultures.”

Perhaps the Tsar associated it with the problems of the Ottoman Empire, he didn’t forget to comfort this young diplomat who once contradicted him: ”I love my country and I believe I understand it. I assure you, when I’m truly weary of all the hardships of this age, I will endeavor to withdraw into Russia itself to forget Europe. This will manifest not only in diplomacy but also culturally.”

”Is this to gain freshness from the source of Russian culture?”

”Exactly. No one is more fundamentally Russian than I am. I want to tell you something I wouldn’t say to others, but I feel you will understand me.”

Here, the Tsar paused and looked intently at Arthur: ”I can understand a republic: it’s a simple and direct form of government, or at least it’s supposed to be. I can understand absolute monarchy because I’m the head of such a system myself. But I cannot understand a constitutional monarchy, I must say, that’s the rule of lies, deceit, and corruption. I would rather go to a wilderness and live a primitive life than accept it.”

Arthur didn’t understand why the Tsar suddenly criticized Britain’s political system, though he wasn’t particularly concerned; however, to maintain the dignity of the British mission, he contested slightly: ”Your Majesty, I’ve always believed a representative government is an inevitable transaction for some communities at certain times. But like all transactions, it doesn’t solve the problem, only delays it.”

The Emperor held his wine glass, seemingly gesturing as if to say—continue.

Arthur continued: ”It’s a system between democracy and monarchy, a truce signed under the auspices of two despicable tyrants, ’fear and interest’. And it continues due to an intellectual pride in rhetoric and a public vanity satisfied by rhetoric. In short, it’s replacing nobility by birth with nobility by speech, in short, it’s the rule of lawyers.”

”Sir Arthur, you are right.”

Holding Arthur’s hand, Tsar Nicholas I said: ”I was once a constitutional monarch in Poland, and the world knows the price I paid for refusing to yield to the demands of that disgraceful government. Bribing votes, corrupting consciences, deceiving some people to fool others. I despise those means, for they demean not only the followers but also the leaders, and I paid a heavy price for my frankness. But, thank God, now I am forever rid of that vile political machine, I will never again be a constitutional king. I need too much to express all I think, I will never consent to rule any people through trickery and intrigue, whether it be in Poland, Russia, Finland, Lithuania, or anywhere else.”